The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations

Research Reports The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Leaf Van Boven, Thomas Gilovich, and Victoria Husted Medvec The authors examined whether negotiators are prone to an â€Å"illusion of transparency,† or the belief that their private thoughts and feelings are more discernible to their negotiation partners than they actually are. In Study One, negotiators who were trying to conceal their preferences thought that their preferences had â€Å"leaked out† more than they actually did. In Study Two, experienced negotiators who were trying to convey information about some of their preferences overestimated their partners’ ability to discern them. The results of Study Three rule out the possibility that the findings are simply the result of the curse of knowledge, or the projection of one’s own knowledge onto others. Discussion explores how the illusion of transparency might impede negotiators’ success. I most cartoon depictions of negotiators in action (a tiny fraction of the cartoon universe, we admit), negotiators are shown with dialog bubbles depicting their overt comments and thought bubbles revealing their private thoughts. These conventions convey the different levels at which negotiators operate: Some of their wants, wishes, and worries are conveyed to the other side, but some are held back for strategic advantage. Because one task in negotiation is deciding how much information to hold back (Raiffa 1982), Leaf Van Boven is an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the University of Colorado, Boulder, Campus Box 345, Boulder, Colo. 80309. Email: [email  protected] edu. Thomas Gilovich is a Professor of Psychology at Cornell University, Department of Psychology, Ithaca, N. Y. 15850. Email: [email  protected] edu. Victoria Husted Medvec is the Adeline Barry Davee Associate Professor of Management and Organizations at Northwestern University’s Kellogg School of Management, 2001 Sheridan Road, Evanston, Ill. 60201. Email:[email  protected] orthwestern. edu. 0748-4526/03/0400-0117/0  © 2003 Plenum Publishing Corporation Negotiation Journal April 2003 117 it follows that part of the phenomenology of negotiation is monitoring how well one has conveyed what one wants to convey and concealed what one wants to conceal. Do negotiators know how well they have conveyed or concealed their preferences? Typically, negotiators know what they have and have not said, of course, so they may g enerally have a good idea what their partners know about their preferences. But how well calibrated are negotiators’ assessments of what they have conveyed and concealed? We explored one source of potential miscalibration, namely, whether negotiators experience an illusion of transparency, overestimating the extent to which their internal states â€Å"leak out† and are known by others (Gilovich, Savitsky, and Medvec 1998). Most research on the illusion of transparency shows that people overestimate their ability to conceal private information. But there is also evidence that people experience the illusion when trying to convey private information. Individuals who were asked to convey emotions with facial expressions alone overestimated observers’ ability to discern the expressed emotion (Savitsky 1997). Likewise, participants who were videotaped while exposed to humorous material thought they had been more expressive than observers subsequently rated them as being (Barr and Kleck 1995). These findings suggest that, when trying either to conceal or convey information, negotiators may experience an illusion of transparency, overestimating what their partners know about their preferences. Whether they do so is important, because previous research has shown that the likelihood of (optimal) settlement is often contingent on accurate perceptions of what others know about one’s own preferences (Bazerman and Neale 1992; Raiffa 1982; Thompson 1991). We conducted three different studies to examine whether negotiators experience an illusion of transparency in negotiations. Studies One and Three examined whether novice negotiators trying to conceal their preferences tend to overestimate the likelihood that their negotiation partners would be able to identify those preferences. Study Two investigated whether experienced negotiators attempting to communicate some of their preferences also succumb to an illusion of transparency. Study Three was also designed to distinguish the illusion of transparency from the â€Å"curse of knowledge,† or the tendency to project one’s knowledge onto others (Camerer, Loewenstein, and Weber 1989; Keysar and Bly 1995; Keysar, Ginzel, and Bazerman 1995). Specifically, we examined whether observers who are â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge as the negotiators exhibit the same biases as the negotiators themselves. Study One Method Twenty-four previously unacquainted Cornell University undergraduates participated in pairs in exchange for course credit. Participants learned that 118 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations they would complete a negotiation exercise in which they would each represent the provost at one of two campuses of a multi-campus university system. Because of budget constraints, all of the system’s eight social psychologists needed to be consolidated at the two provosts’ universities. The provosts were to negotiate the distribution of the social psychologists between the two campuses. Participants were informed that some social psychologists were more valuable than others, and that some were more valuable to one campus than the other. These differences were summarized in a report describing the strengths and weaknesses of each psychologist and assigning each a specific number of points. The eight psychologists were among the fifteen most frequently cited in social psychology textbooks (Gordon and Vicarii 1992). To familiarize participants with the psychologist and his or her expertise, each psychologist was depicted on a 2- by 4-inch laminated â€Å"trading card† that displayed a picture of the social psychologist, his or her name, and two of his or her better-known publications. Each negotiator’s most and least valuable psychologists were assigned +5 and –5 points, respectively, and the other psychologists were assigned intermediate values. The experimenter said that all psychologists must be employed at one of the two universities because all were tenured. The most and least valuable psychologists were not the same for the two negotiators; the correlation between how much each of the eight psychologists was worth to the two participants was . 79. Participants were told that they should conceal their report, which was somewhat different from the other participant’s report. Because pilot testing indicated that many participants were unsure how to negotiate, we showed them a five-minute videotape of a staged negotiation in which two confederates bartered over who would get (or be forced to acquire) each psychologist. Confederates were shown trading cards actively back and forth. Participants were given as much time as they needed to negotiate, usually about 30 minutes. They were told that several prizes would be awarded at the end of the academic term (e. g. , a $50 gift certificate to the Cornell book store, dinner for two at a local restaurant) and their chance of winning a prize corresponded to the number of points they earned in the negotiation. We asked participants both early in the negotiation (after approximately five minutes) and at the end to name their partner’s most valuable and least valuable psychologists. At both times, we also asked them to estimate the likelihood (expressed as a percentage) that their partner would correctly identify their most and least valuable psychologists. We pointed out that the probability of correct identification by chance alone was 12. 5 percent. Question order was counterbalanced, with no effect of order in any of our analyses. Negotiation Journal April 2003 119 Results and Discussion Our key analysis was a comparison of participants’ mean estimates to a null value derived from the overall accuracy rate. Participants can be said to exhibit an illusion of transparency if their estimates, on average, are higher than the actual accuracy rate. As predicted, negotiators overestimated their partners’ ability to detect their preferences, but only after the negotiation was complete (see Table One). Early in the negotiation, individuals slightly underestimated (by 2 percent) the likelihood that their partners would correctly identify their most valuable psychologist and slightly overestimated (by 8 percent) the likelihood that their partners would identify their least valuable psychologist. Neither of these differences was statistically reliable. 1 Following the negotiation, participants overestimated the probability that their partners would identify correctly their most and least valuable psychologists by 14 percent and 13 percent, respectively. Both of these differences were statistically reliable. That is, the probability that negotiators overestimated by pure chance how much their partners knew about their preferences is less than . 05 (the t statistics for these two comparisons are 3. 16 and 3. 30, respectively). Negotiators thus experienced an illusion of transparency at the end of the negotiation, overestimating their partners’ ability to discern their preferences. Table One Negotiators’ estimates of the likelihood that their partners would be able to identify their most and least valuable social psychologists, and the corresponding percentages actually able to do so. Estimated % Early negotiation Most valuable Least valuable Post negotiation Most valuable Least valuable 72%* 76%* 58% 63% 69% 58% 71% 50% Actual % Note: * indicates that the estimated percentage is reliably greater than the corresponding actual percentage, p < . 5 120 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations These findings extend earlier research on the illusion of transparency, showing that negotiators believe their inner thoughts and preferences â€Å"leak out† and are more discernible than they really are. This result was obtained only during the second assessment, but we do not wish to make too much of this finding. First, it is hardly surprising because, at the time of the initial assessment, most groups had yet to engage in much discussion of specific candidates, and thus there was little opportunity for participants’ references to have leaked out. Furthermore, it was only participants’ estimates of the detectibility of their least valuable psychologists that rose predictably (from 58 to 76 percent) from early in the negotiation to the end — an increase that was highly statistically reliable (t = 3. 78). Their estimates of the detectibility of their most valuable psychologists stayed largely the same across the course of the negotiation (from 69 to 72 percent) and it was only a decrease in identification accuracy (from 71 to 58 percent) over time that led to the difference in the magnitude of the illusion of transparency. These subsidiary findings may result from the usual dynamics of the negotiation process: Negotiators typically focus initially on the most important issues, postponing a discussion of less important issues or of what they are willing to give up to obtain what they want until later in the negotiation. This would explain why negotiators felt that they had already leaked information about their most important psychologists early in the negotiation, but that a similar feeling of leakage regarding their least important psychologists took longer to develop. This tendency might also explain why it may have been relatively easy for the negotiators to discern one another’s â€Å"top choices† early in the discussion. It may have been harder to do so later on, after the negotiators discussed all of the psychologists and the various tradeoffs between them. Study Two In Study One, participants experienced an illusion of transparency when they were instructed to conceal their preferences from their partners. In many negotiations outside the laboratory, however, negotiators often attempt to communicate rather than conceal their preferences. In fact, negotiation instructors often advise MBAs and other would-be negotiators to communicate information about their preferences. Do negotiators experience an illusion of transparency when they attempt to communicate rather than conceal their preferences? Past research has shown that people experience an illusion of transparency when trying (nonverbally) to convey thoughts and feelings in settings outside negotiations (Barr and Kleck 1995; Savitsky 1997). We therefore examined whether negotiators attempting to communicate some of their preferences, whose efforts at communication are not limited to nonverbal channels, would likewise experience an illusion of transparency. Negotiation Journal April 2003 121 As part of a classroom exercise, MBA students in negotiation courses completed a complex six-party negotiation simulation (Harborco, a teaching tool available from the Clearinghouse of the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, www. pon. org). The course emphasized the importance of negotiators communicating some of their preferences to one another in negotiations. Prior to the Harborco negotiation, students had engaged in numerous other exercises in which their failure to convey information resulted in nonoptimal settlements. To verify that the Harborco negotiators were attempting to communicate information about their preferences, we asked 22 Cornell and Northwestern University MBA students (not included in following study) who had just completed the Harborco negotiation to indicate which strategy they engaged in more: an information-sharing strategy (attempting to communicate their preferences to others), or an information-hiding strategy (attempting to conceal their preferences from others). Everyone indicated that they used the information-sharing strategy more. We hypothesized that the same psychological processes that lead novice negotiators trying to conceal their preferences to experience an illusion of transparency would also lead experienced negotiators trying to communicate at least some of their preferences to experience a similar illusion. We thus predicted that participants would overestimate the number of other negotiators who could correctly identify their preferences. Method Two hundred and forty MBA students at Cornell and Northwestern completed the Harborco simulation, negotiating whether, and under what circumstances, a major new seaport would be built off the coast of a fictional city. There were six parties to the negotiation. The negotiator who represented Harborco (a consortium of investors) was most central. A second negotiator, representing the federal agency that oversees the development of such seaports, had to decide whether to subsidize a $3 billion loan Harborco had requested. The other negotiators represented the state governor, the labor unions from surrounding seaports, the owners of other ports that might be affected by a new seaport, and environmentalists concerned about the impact of a new seaport on the local ecology. The negotiation involved five issues, each with several options of varying importance to the six parties. For each negotiator, points were assigned to each option of each issue. Student performance was evaluated according to the number of points accumulated. For example, the most important issue to the Harborco representative was the approval of the subsidized loan (worth 35 points for approval of the full $3 billion, 29 points for approval of a $2 billion loan, etc. ); the second most important issue was the compensation to other ports for their expected losses due to the new seaport (worth 23 points for no compensation, 15 points for compensation of $150 million, 122 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations etc. ). The Harborco negotiator’s preference order for the five issues was somewhat different from the preference order of the other five negotiators. Participants were given approximately one and a half hours to reach an agreement. They were required to vote on a settlement proposed by the Harborco negotiator at three points during the negotiation: after 20 minutes, after one hour, and at the end. A successful agreement required the approval of at least five negotiators. Any agreement that included the subsidized loan required the approval of the federal agency representative. The Harborco negotiator could veto any proposal. The dependent measures, collected after the first and final rounds of voting, concerned the Harborco negotiator’s estimates of the other negotiators’ identification of his or her preference order. The Harborco negotiators estimated how many of the other five negotiators would identify the rank ordering (to the Harborco negotiator) of each issue — for example, how many would identify the approval of the loan as their most important issue? We made clear that one negotiator would guess the exact importance of each issue by chance alone. Meanwhile, each of the other negotiators estimated the issue that was most important to Harborco, second most important, and so on. Figure One Number able to identify each issue 5 4 3 2 1 0 Predicted Number Actual Number ird co nd rth co nd Th ird th Fo ur h Fi rs Fi rs Fi ft Fi rs Th Se Fo u First Round ISSUE IMPORTANCE Predicted and actual number of negotiators able to identify correctly the importance of each issue to the Harborco negotiator after the first and final rounds of voting. Results and Discussion The dashed lines in Figure One indicate that, as predicted, the Harborco negotiators’ estimate of the number of other negotiators who could identify the rank of each issue was greater than the actual number of negotiators able Negotiation Journal April 2003 123 Se Second Round Fi ft h t t t to do so (as indicated by the solid lines). Following the first round of voting, the Harborco negotiators overestimated the number of their fellow negotiators able to identify the importance — to them — of all mid-range issues. All these differences were statistically reliable (all ts > 2. 0). Negotiators did not overestimate the number of negotiators able to identify their most and least important issues. Following the final round of voting, Harborco representatives overestimated the number of negotiators able to identify their four most important issues. This overestimation was statistically reliable for the four most important issues (all t > 2. 25), and was marginally reliable with a probability level of . 14 for the least important issue (t = 1. 5). These findings replicate and extend those of Study One and of previous research on the illusion of transparency. Experienced negotiators who were attempting to convey (rather than conceal) their preferences to other negotiators tended to overestimate the transparency of those preferences. Study Three We contend that negotiators’ overestimation of their partner’s ability to discern their preferences reflects an egocentric illusion whereby negotiators overestimate the transparency of their internal states. An alternative account is that negotiators experience a â€Å"curse of knowledge,† overestimating the knowability of whatever they themselves know (Camerer et al. 989; Keysar and Bly, 1995; Keysar et al. 1995). Negotiators may thus overestimate the discernibility of their preferences because they cannot undo the knowledge of their own preferences, not because they feel like their preferences â€Å"leaked out. † Studies One and Two provide some evidence against this alternative interpretation because participants did not significantly overestimate their partnersâ€⠄¢ ability to discern their preferences early in the negotiation — when they were â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge, but had little opportunity for their preferences to leak out. To provide a more rigorous test of this alternative interpretation, Study Three employed a paradigm in which observers were yoked to each individual negotiator. The observers were informed of their counterpart’s preferences and thus were â€Å"cursed† with the same abstract knowledge, but not with the phenomenology of having — and possibly leaking — the negotiators’ preferences. After watching a videotaped negotiation between their yoked counterpart and another negotiator, observers estimated the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would identify their counterpart’s preferences. We expected that observers’ estimates would be lower than actual negotiators’ estimates because observers would not have the experience of their preferences â€Å"leaking out. † 124 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Method Twenty-four previously unacquainted Northwestern University undergraduates participated in pairs in exchange for the opportunity to earn between $4 and $13, based on their performance in the negotiation. Negotiators were taken to separate rooms and given instructions for the negotiation. The negotiation was similar to that used in Study One, except that it involved a buyer-seller framework, with which we felt our participants would be familiar. Participants learned that they would act as a provost of one of two campuses of a large university system. Because of budget cuts, the larger of the two campuses (the â€Å"seller†) needed to eliminate fifteen of its 35 psychology department faculty. Because the fifteen faculty were tenured, they could not be fired, but they could be transferred to the smaller of the two campuses (the â€Å"buyer†), which was trying to acquire faculty. Participants were to negotiate over the fifteen psychologists â€Å"in play†; any faculty not acquired by the buyer would remain at the seller’s campus. Participants were given a report that described each psychologist and his or her associated point value. Some of the psychologists had a positive value to buyers and a negative value to sellers, others had a positive value to both, and still others had a negative value to both. Participants were told that they should not show their confidential reports to the other negotiator. Participants earned 25 cents for every positive point and had to pay 25 cents for every negative point they accumulated. To give buyers and sellers an equal chance to make the same amount of money, we endowed sellers with an initial stake of $10 and buyers with an initial stake of $4. If buyers obtained all nine of the beneficial faculty and none of the four costly faculty (two were worth 0 points) they earned an additional $8, for $12 total. Similarly, if the sellers eliminated all eight costly faculty and retained all five beneficial faculty (two were worth 0 points) they earned $2, for $12 total. If no agreement was reached, sellers retained all faculty, losing $6, and buyers acquired no psychologists, leaving both with $4. As in Study One, we gave participants laminated trading cards with a picture of each psychologist and two of that psychologist’s better-known works on the back. The fifteen faculty members, although in reality all social psychologists, were arbitrarily divided into the three subdisciplines of social, clinical, and human-experimental psychology. We designed the payoffs so that the sychologist within each discipline who the buyer most wanted to obtain was not the psychologist the seller most wanted to eliminate. To encourage participants to obtain or retain psychologists across the three disciplines, sellers were offered an additional two points if they eliminated at least one faculty member from each discipline, and an additional four points if they eliminated at least two from each discipline. Similarly, buyers were offered an additional two points if they acquired at least one faculty Negotiation Journal April 2003 125 member from each discipline, and an additional four points if they acquired at least two from each discipline. Thus, maximum earnings for buyers and sellers were $13 (the $12 earned by accumulating all possible positive points, no negative points, plus the $1 bonus). After negotiators understood their task, they were brought together and given as long as they needed to negotiate a division of the fifteen psychologists, usually about 20 minutes. Afterward, buyers estimated the likelihood (expressed as a percentage) that the seller would correctly identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the buyer to obtain; sellers estimated the likelihood that the buyer would correctly identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the seller to eliminate. Participants were told that the chance accuracy rate was 20% percent. Buyers were also asked to identify the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were the most and least important for the seller to eliminate, and sellers were asked to make analogous judgments about the buyers’ incentive structure. Control Condition. Twelve pairs of previously unacquainted Northwestern undergraduates were paid $6 and â€Å"yoked† to one of the 12 pairs from the negotiation condition — one student matched to the buyer and one to the seller. Participants read the instructions given to t heir yoked counterpart (either the buyer or seller) in the actual negotiation before viewing their counterpart’s videotaped negotiation. Participants then made the same estimates as their counterparts in the negotiation condition, identifying the psychologists from each subdiscipline who were most and least important for their counterpart’s negotiation partner to acquire (or eliminate), and estimating the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would be able to guess the psychologists in each subdiscipline who were most and least important for their counterpart to obtain (or eliminate). Results Negotiators. As anticipated, negotiators exhibited an illusion of transparency. As can be see in the left and right columns of Table Two, buyers and sellers overestimated their partners’ ability to identify their most important psychologists by 20 percent — both statistically reliable differences (ts= 3. 58 and 3. 45, respectively). Buyers and sellers also overestimated the likelihood that their partner would be able to identify their least important psychologists by 4 percent and 25 percent, respectively, with only the latter result statistically reliable (t = 4. 34). Control participants. Control participants displayed a â€Å"curse of knowledge,† overestimating the likelihood that their counterpart’s negotiation partner would correctly identify their counterpart’s preferences (compare the center and right columns of Table Two). This was particularly true for 126 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations those yoked to sellers: They reliably overestimated the likelihood that their yoked counterparts’ negotiation partners would identify their counterparts’ most and least important psychologists by 12 percent and 19 percent, respectively (ts = 2. 58 and 4. 9). Control participants who were yoked to buyers, in contrast, did not overestimate the likelihood that their yoked counterparts’ negotiation partners would overestimate their counterparts’ preferences. Table Two Participants’ estimates of the likelihood that their negotiators’ partners were able to identify the negotiat ors’ most and least important psychologists, and the corresponding percentages actually able to do so. Negotiators’ Estimates Control Estimates Actual Accuracy Most Important Buyers Sellers Least Important Buyers Sellers 62% 68%* 56% 63%* 58% 42% 70%* 59%* 53% 51%* 50% 39% Note: * indicates that the estimated percentage is reliably greater than the corresponding actual percentage, p < . 05 More important, in every case the control participants’ estimates (overall M = 56 percent) were lower than the actual negotiators’ estimates (overall M = 64 percent) — a statistically reliable difference (t = 2. 53). Thus, negotiators overestimated the transparency of their preferences more than yoked observers who were â€Å"cursed† with the same knowledge, but did not have the same subjective experience as negotiators themselves. Discussion The results of Study Three indicate that negotiators’ overestimation of their partners’ ability to discern their preferences stems from both a curse of knowledge and an illusion of transparency. Observers who were provided with the same abstract knowledge as the negotiators — those provided with Negotiation Journal April 2003 127 abstract information about sellers’ preferences at any rate — overestimated the likelihood that those preferences would be detected. However, this effect was not as strong as that found for actual negotiators’ estimates. Those participants, possessing more detailed knowledge about how it felt to want to obtain some psychologists and avoid others, apparently thought that some of those feelings had leaked out to their partners because they made significantly higher estimates of the likelihood of detection than the observers did. Negotiators experience an illusion of transparency over and above any curse of knowledge to which they are subject. What Does it All Mean? These three studies provide consistent support for an illusion of transparency in negotiations. Undergraduate students who were instructed to conceal their preferences thought that they had â€Å"tipped their hand† more than they actually had (Studies One and Three). Likewise, business students experienced in negotiation who were attempting to communicate information about some of their preferences overestimated how successfully they had done so (Study Three). These results are not due to an abstract â€Å"curse of knowledge† because observers who were cursed with the same knowledge as the negotiators did not overestimate the detectibility of the negotiators’ preferences to the same extent as the negotiators did (Study Three). The illusion of transparency is thus due to the sense that one’s specific actions and reactions that arise in the give-and-take of negotiation — a blush here, an averted gaze there — are more telling than they actually are. These results complement and extend findings by Vorauer and Claude (1998) who examined participants’ ability to estimate how well others could discern their general approach to a joint problem-solving exercise — i. e. , whether they were most interested in being assertive, being fair, being accommodating, and so on. They found that participants thought their goals would be more readily discerned than they actually were. Their findings, however, appear to reflect a curse of knowledge rather than an illusion of transparency because their participants’ estimates of the detectibility of their own goals were just the same as those made by observers who were simply informed of the participants’ goals. The Vorauer and Claude findings should not be surprising since their participants did not actually engage in face-to-face interaction. Instead, each participant exchanged notes with a â€Å"phantom† other, whose responses were crafted by the experimenters. Without interaction, it is difficult see how an illusory sense of transparency could emerge. Vorauer and Claude’s studies, along with the results of Study Three, suggest that the curse of knowledge can likewise lead to exaggerated estimates of how readily one’s negotiation partner can discern one’s own perspective on the negotiation (Keysar et al. 1995). 128 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations It is important to note that both the illusion of transparency and the curse of knowledge reflect people’s difficulty in getting beyond their privileged information. In the curse of knowledge, this information is abstract knowledge of one’s beliefs, preferences, or goals; in the illusion of transparency, this information is more detailed, phenomenological knowledge of how one feels or how difficult it was to suppress a particular reaction. At one level, then, it may be fair to characterize the illusion of transparency as a special case of knowledge — more detailed and affect-laden — with which one is cursed. At another level, however, the differences between the two phenomena may be sufficiently pronounced that there is more to be gained by viewing them as distinct. Ultimately, a more complete understanding of the relationship between the curse of knowledge and illusion of transparency must await the outcome of further research. Future research might also further examine the underlying mechanism proposed for the illusion of transparency. Gilovich et al. (1998) attribute the phenomenon to a process much like Tversky and Kahneman’s (1974) anchoring and adjustment heuristic. When attempting to ascertain how apparent their internal states are to others, people are likely to begin the process of judgment from their own subjective experience. Because people know that others are not as privy to their internal states as they are themselves, they adjust from their own perspective to capture others’ perspective. Because such adjustments tend to be insufficient (Tversky and Kahneman 1974; Epley and Gilovich 2001), the net result is a residual effect of one’s own phenomenology, and the feeling that one is more transparent than is actually the case. This account suggests that the illusion of transparency should be particularly pronounced when the internal state being assessed is one that is strongly and clearly felt, such as when negotiating especially important issues. In addition, future research might examine the impact of the illusion of transparency on negotiation processes and outcomes. Thompson (1991) has shown that when negotiators have different priorities, negotiators who provide information about their priorities to their partners fare better than those who do not. The illusion of transparency may lead negotiators to hold back information about their priorities in the mistaken belief that one has conveyed too much information already. By leading negotiators to believe that their own preferences are more apparent than they really are, the illusion of transparency may give rise to the belief that the other side is being less open and cooperative than they are themselves — which may lead each negotiator to hold back even more. The process can thus spiral in the wrong direction toward greater secrecy. Negotiation Journal April 2003 129 It may be advantageous, then, for negotiators to be aware of the illusion of transparency. If negotiators know they tend to conceal less than they think they do, they may open up a bit more and increase their chances of reaching optimal agreements. In other words, knowing that one’s own â€Å"thought bubbles† are invisible to others can lead to more successful negotiations. NOTES This research was supported by Research Grant SBR9319558 from the National Science Foundation. We thank Tina Rackitt her help in collecting data and Dennis Regan for his comments on an earlier draft. 1. Because the data for each pair of negotiators are interdependent, all analyses in this and subsequent studies used the dyad (or group) as the unit of analysis. 2. A t statistic is a measure of how extreme a statistical estimate is. Specifically, a t is the ratio of the difference between a hypothesized value and an observed value, divided by the standard error of the sampled distribution. Consider negotiators’ estimates, following the negotiation, that their negotiation partner had a 72 percent chance of correctly identifying their most valuable psychologist. Because, in actuality, egotiators identified their partners’ most valuable psychologist only 58 percent of the time, the difference between the hypothesized value (58 percent) and the observed value (72 percent) is 14 percent. The standard error, in this case, is the standard deviation of the difference between a negotiators’ predicted likelihood and the actual likelihood (the average squared difference betw een these two scores), divided by the square root of the sample size. In general, t statistics more extreme than 1. 96 are statistically reliable — that is, the probability that the observed difference is due to chance alone is less than . 5. 3. We also asked negotiators to estimate which subdiscipline was most important to their partner, and to estimate the likelihood that their partner would discern correctly their own preference order vis-a-vis the three subdisciplines. During debriefing, however, participants said they found these questions confusing because they did not parse the 15 faculty according to their subdiscipline, but instead focused on the value of each individual faculty. These responses are therefore not discussed further. REFERENCES Barr, C. L. and R. E. Kleck. 1995. Self-other perception of the intensity of facial expressions of emotion: Do we know what we show? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68: 608-618. Bazerman, M. H. and M. Neale. 1992. Negotiating rationality. New York: Free Press. Camerer, C. , G. Loewenstein, and M. Weber. 1989. The curse of knowledge in economic settings: An experimental analysis. Journal of Political Economy 97: 1232-1253. Epley, N. and T. Gilovich. 2001. Putting adjustment back in the anchoring and adjustment heuristic: An examination of self-generated and experimenter-provided anchors. Psychological Science 12: 391-396. Gilovich, T. D. , K. K. Savitsky, and V. H. Medvec. 1998. The illusion of transparency: Biased assessments of others’ ability to read our emotional states. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 75: 332-346. Gordon, R. A. and P. J. Vicarii. 1992. Eminence in social psychology: A comparison of textbook citation, social science citation index, and research productivity rankings. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 18: 26-38. Keysar, B. and B. Bly. 1995. Intuitions about the transparency of intention: Linguistic perspective taking in text. Cognitive Psychology 26: 165-208. Keysar, B. , L. E. Ginzel, and M. H. Bazerman. 1995. States of affairs and states of mind: The effect of knowledge on beliefs. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 64: 283293. Raiffa, H. 1982. The art and science of negotiation. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press. 130 Van Boven, Gilovich, and Medvec The Illusion of Transparency in Negotiations Savitsky, K. 1997. Perceived transparency of and the leakage of emotional states: Do we know how little we show? Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University. Thompson, L. 1990. An examination of naive and experienced negotiators. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 26: 528-544. ———. 1991. Information exchange in negotiation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 27: 161-179. Tversky, A. and D. Kahneman. 1974. Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science 185: 1124-1131. Vorauer, J. D. and S. Claude. 1998. Perceived versus actual transparency of goals in negotiation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 24: 371-385. Negotiation Journal April 2003 131

Unnatural Killers Summary

The story is about a young couple that attempts murder twice, committing it once. The story is told by a lawyer that works in a small town in Mississippi. He meets a devout Christian and solid citizen, Mr. Savage. On March 7th, 1995, Sarah and Ben, a young couple on a road trip, entered Mr. Savage’s office and shot and killed Mr. Savage. They took his credit cards and cash. There were no witnesses. The couple made their way down to New Orleans for Mardi Gras. Running low on cash, Sarah entered a convenience store and shot the 35 year old mother that was working that night. She then took the money from the register. The clerk survived but was completely paralyzed. An anonymous informant identified Sarah from the video from the convenience store. Sarah and Ben were sent to trial. Sarah blamed Ben. She said that the movie Natural Born Killers brainwashed them and lead them to work out their â€Å"demons†. She said she didn’t see a 35 year old mother. She said she saw a demon so she shot her. Sarah is likely seeing a life sentence and Ben may see a death sentence. The lawyer from the Mississippi town believes that the maker of the movie is to blame for these crimes. There have been other murders that were linked to people watching the movie. The voice of Grisham is shown towards the end of the story where he calls for the writer of the movie to be tried in court.

Francis Bacon and the Essay Of Revenge

The first major English essayist, Francis Bacon  (1561-1626) published three versions of his Essayes or Counsels (1597, 1612 and 1625), and the third edition has endured as the most popular of his many writings. The Essayes, observes Robert K. Faulkner, appeals not so much to self-expression as to self-interest, and does so by supplying enlightened ways to satisfy ones interest. (Encyclopedia of the Essay, 1997) A notable jurist who served as both attorney general and Lord Chancellor of England, Bacon argues in his essay Of Revenge (1625) that the wild justice of personal revenge is a fundamental challenge to the rule of law. Of Revenge by Francis Bacon Revenge is a kind of wild justice; which the more mans nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it out. For as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the law; but the revenge of that wrong putteth the law out of office. Certainly, in taking revenge, a man is but even with his enemy; but in passing it over, he is superior; for it is a princes part to pardon. And Solomon, I am sure, saith, It is the glory of a man to pass by an offence. That which is past is gone, and irrevocable; and wise men have enough to do with things present and to come; therefore they do but trifle with themselves, that labor in past matters. There is no man doth a wrong for the wrongs sake; but thereby to purchase himself profit, or pleasure, or honor, or the like. Therefore why should I be angry with a man for loving himself better than me? And if any man should do wrong merely out of ill-nature, why, yet it is but like the thorn or briar, which prick and scratch, because they can do no other. The most tole rable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which there is no law to remedy; but then let a man take heed the revenge be such as there is no law to punish; else a mans enemy is still before hand, and it is two for one. Some, when they take revenge, are desirous the party should know whence it cometh. This is the more generous. For the delight seemeth to be not so much in doing the hurt as in making the party repent. But base and crafty cowards are like the arrow that flieth in the dark. Cosmus, duke of Florence, had a desperate saying against perfidious or neglecting friends, as if those wrongs were unpardonable; You shall read (saith he) that we are commanded to forgive our enemies; but you never read that we are commanded to forgive our friends. But yet the spirit of Job was in a better tune: Shall we (saith he) take good at Gods hands, and not be content to take evil also? And so of friends in a proportion. This is certain, that a man that studieth revenge keeps his own wounds gree n, which otherwise would heal and do well. Public revenges are for the most part fortunate; as that for the death of Caesar; for the death of Pertinax; for the death of Henry the Third of France; and many more. But in private revenges it is not so. Nay rather, vindictive persons live the life of witches; who, as they are mischievous, so end they infortunate.

Ssu Scholarship Essay Samples Fundamentals Explained

Ssu Scholarship Essay Samples Fundamentals Explained A scholarship essay could be intimidating to make initially, particularly if you are not aware of the methods on the way it is simple to create this document. Irrespective of the essay prompt, you are going to want to make certain that you incorporate the important and appropriate info about your experiences and background that makes you a perfect candidate for the scholarship award. Therefore, students want to pay attention in regards to formatting their scholarship essays. You may see our example scholarship essays to have a better idea of the way to do this. You don't need to possess the ideal writing skills as a way to be creative and compose an effective essay. There are various ways to begin an essay and all you have to do is to use one that can give the most positive impact to the individuals who will review your scholarship essay. Rather than being given a prompt, you could be requested to compose an essay on the subject of your choice. Becoming mindful of common essay mistakes and the way to repair them can help you produce an impressive scholarship essay. If you're in need of a superior scholarship essay, ask our writers to compose a personalized scholarship essay for you. In addition, the work differ from topic to topic since there are essays that enable you to dig deeper into your creative minds. These forms of essays are guaranteed to doze off your readers. Without understanding the significance of the crucial themes, it is not possible to compose an impeccable essay. What the In-Crowd Won't Tell You About Ssu Scholarship Essay Samples Don't use only brief sentences, as a consequence of it should make your paper not as refined and extra common. There's no ideal recipe for writing an essay, but there are a few ingredients that it is possible to add to make it even more appealing. Put it in your words. If you're over the mandatory word count, you'll need to create edits so that you're within the limit. Don't make the size of your font too large nor too tiny. It's natural for students not to bear in mind all details and rules of formatting. Always make certain you take a look at the review my essay section of any writing service website you're contemplating using. There are various letter documents and essay examples that are employed in the sphere of education. It is recommended to talk about the matter with proper examples. A good example is offered below. Why Almost Everything You've Learned About Ssu Scholarship Essay Samples Is Wrong The main reason why it's necessary for you to make sure you will produce a detailed and comprehensive scholarship essay is a result of the benefits that it may provide to your scholarship application. If you're a new applicant to SSU, please be certain to activate your My SSU account login before you make an effort to apply for scholarships. In the past couple of years the variety of scholarships has increased dramatically. As a consequence, their scholarship applications become rejected. A scholarship essay is a significant document which is used in the processes of scholarship application. Especially since scholarships are not easy to get, and judges are extremely harsh. Most scholarships get a lot of very well qualified applicants. Unless you're fortunate enough to happen across an extremely obscure and unusual scholarship with no more than one or two qualified applicants, you will have to manage some competition to be given a scholarship award. The Ssu Scholarship Essay Samples Trap The very first step to any essay writing is to select a subject of interest. On the flip side, if you struggle to fulfill the term requirement, get as close as possible, but don't go adding in filler simply because you must get there! Considering all the knowledge areas and tips that you're already mindful of in writing a scholarship letter, it's possible to easily put together all of the info that you must make sure you and your scholarship letter will stick out. Although the purpose of academic letters aren't limited to the specified undertaking, it's typical for these letters to contain info about someone, an educational subject or a distinct academic cause or issue. With their aid, you can properly lean when to empathize your abilities and talents on the essay and your achievements. For instance, if you're asking for a general academic scholarship, you may want to chat about a particular class you took that really piqued your interest or inspired your present academic and career targets. Therefore, students must be quite careful whilst writing this statement. Many students don't keep the coherency in the content.

Mass Media And Gender In The 1950s - 752 Words

Mass media has influenced gender norms in the United States since the 1950’s when television became a household phenomenon. Per Jacqueline Coombs in an article titled Gender Differences in the Influence of Television on Gender Ideology, she asserts, â€Å"television is a powerful source in disseminating information and shaping opinion, exposing people from many different social settings to the same messages† (207). These messages can influence gender norms and reinforce personal gender identity. Throughout the evolution of television, gender roles have expanded portraying women as leading character. However, there is still an undercurrent of patriarchal ideology. The early 1950’s and 1960’s television portrayed women in traditional gender†¦show more content†¦Her boss was â€Å"Lou Grant† who served as the patriarch of the show. Another female on the show was â€Å"Phyllis†, a homemaker and mother who worked for her husband. This sh ow was a hybrid of the classic patriarchal dominated family structure but still contained elements of stereotypical gender roles and norms. Another example of this hybrid show was Cagney and Lacey. This show features two women as police detectives. The women reported to male in the role of chief. One of the lead characters was married with a family, and the other was a single woman. These women had an individual approach to gender as related to gender norms. They had careers in a non-traditional gender sphere as police detectives however they still sought to conform to the gender norm of wife and mother. These shows continued to be produced, written and directed by a predominately male staff with an occasional female writer or consultant. Women’s roles were changing in society from the strictly female as gather or homemaker to include a second shift for the female characters. The males in these scenarios continued to hold power and authority over the female characters. Telev ision messages continued to evolve in the 21st century influencing American youth. Young men watch television and see hegemonic masculinity on display. Even shows with strong female leads display this type of behavior. Current shows like Grey’s Anatomy with its diverse socialShow MoreRelatedThe Evolution Of Mass Media786 Words   |  4 Pages The Evolution of Mass Media De’Boria Claiborne-Lowery University of Phoenix HUM/186 Instructor Allyson Wells December 4, 2017 The Evolution of Mass Media The mass media are critical players in the American political system. Media is seen in many forms nowadays such as television, radio, social media, newspapers, magazine, etc. The media affects people in varied ways, some are positive and others are negative. A positive aspectRead MoreMass Media And Its Impact On Society Essay1453 Words   |  6 PagesMass Media Introduction The evolution of mass media has changed remarkably over decades. Media has been a tool utilized to broadcast information and give entertainment to a broad audience for relatively some time. In many ways, the use of television has helped construct the overall understanding of society. What we visualize on television ultimately replicates the â€Å"realities of life†. The messages/images demonstrated on the air depict underlying customs sought out by society that are most reputableRead MoreMedia and Social Inequality906 Words   |  4 PagesMedia and Social Inequality The Media promotes and reproduces societal values and norms, establishing common meanings and understandings among groups and individuals. These common meanings are portrayed in the media and put forward by the dominant culture; and for this reason the patterns of inequality that benefit the dominant culture are produced and reproduced. The media today are not only entertaining the people but also favor the spreading of certain information. The different media thusRead MoreRhetorical Analysis Of The Clock Shadows And Dark And Gritty 1583 Words   |  7 Pagesâ€Å"traditional family values† found throughout various 1950s television (Museum of Broadcast Communications). The force behind this shift from a rather jubilant, dreamlike state of Cold War era media, to the grim and cynical state of present-day film, television, and music can thus be interpreted by some romanticists with a longing for the â€Å"good ol’ days† as a decline of virtues and goodness in A merican society. However, the â€Å"goodness† of America found in 1950s media was hardly a true reflection of reality. ThroughRead MoreTodays Unrealistic Body Expectations1311 Words   |  5 Pagesshowing a sense of insecurity about their own bodies, frequently making trips to the scale to keep track of their weight making sure to stay slim and fit. Society has a profound effect on many people, making them feel insecure about their own bodies. The mass medias use of such unrealistic images sends an implicit message to men and women that to be considered good looking they must partake in unhealthy diets, extreme exercises and unhealthy body modification enhancers, which in turn can have detrimentalRead MoreGender In Advertising: . . The Differences In How Men And1565 Words   |  7 Pages Gender in Advertising: The Differences in How Men and Women are Portrayed and How those Difference Affect Us: Across Time and Across Countries Bria Mosley The Ohio State University According to Advertising and Promotion: An Integrated Marketing Communications Perspective, advertising is defined as â€Å"any paid form of non-personal communication about an organization, product or service with an idea from an identified sponsor.† Advertising is the most cost-effective way to reachRead MoreHow does the mass media reinforce sterotypes?1508 Words   |  7 Pagescontribution to humanity (Lester, 1996, p.1). When the mass media engage in stereotyping, misleading representations concerning members from diverse cultural groups are confirmed. In this essay, a broad range of texts will be used to examine the ways in which the mass media construct and reinforce social stereotypes around gender, ethnicity and age, as well as how the media shape ones imagination though direct images. It cannot be doubted that the media profoundly influence peoples attitudes and outlooksRead MoreA Brief History And Analysis Of Portrayal Of Women Essay1422 Words   |  6 Pagesvarious tactics to oppress women by constructing gender roles. These gender roles are thrust upon people before birth and are reinforced through society within the media. This object here is to provide an overview of the portrayal of women in magazines from the late 1800’s to present day. As the years progress, so do the number of women’s rights. While women are still fighting for equality, the birth of feminism has done much to close the gender gap. Mass media, magazines in particular, facilitated in fosteringRead MoreAmerican Women s Roles During The 1950s1604 Words   |  7 PagesAmerican women’s roles greatly expanded during the 1940s when the United States entered World War II. The media and the government’s campaign urged women into the workforce as part of their war effort and patriotic duties, because workers were needed to make weapons and supplies for the war since the men were away fighting. More than six million women entered the workforce, and the majority worked in the industrial sectors in mills, factories, shipyards, and lumberyards. However, once the war endedRead MoreBenchmarking1075 Words   |  5 PagesChapter 1 – Mass Communications: A Critical Approach Culture and the Evolution of Mass Communication * Culture * can be narrowly associated with art – forms of expression such as music or painting that provide enlightenment or insight * can also be viewed as a broader category that includes the entire spectrum of ways that people express themselves at particular historical times * including art, beliefs, customs, games, technologies, traditions, and institutions

Hemmingway Essay Example For Students

Hemmingway Essay Ernest Miller Hemingway was born on July 21, 1899 in Oak Park, Illinois to Dr. Clarence Edmonds Hemingway and Grace Hall Hemingway. The second of six children, Ernest enjoyed an adventurous boyhood, fishing and hunting with his father in the northern woods of Michigan. He attended Oak Park High School where he excelled in his classes, particularly English. He tried his hand at football and swimming, edited the school paper (the Trapeze), and contributed pieces to the schools literary magazine (the Tabula). After graduating high school, Ernest travelled to Kansas City and worked as a cub reporter for The Kansas City Star. In 1918, he began service as an ambulance driver for the Italian army. On July 8, he was wounded at Fossalta on the Italian Piave while delivering chocolates, cigarettes, and postcards to soldiers. He married Elizabeth Hadley Richardson on September 3, 1921. The newlyweds soon entered the literary community of Paris, living off of Hadleys trust fund and Ernests pay as a foreign correspondent for the Toronto Star. The 1920s were extremely productive writing years for Hemingway. Three Stories and Ten Poems was published in 1923, In Our Time in 1925. 1926 saw the publication of The Torrents of Spring and the widely successful novel, The Sun Also Rises. A collection of short stories titled Men Without Women followed in 1927. This year also signified the end of Hemingways marriage to Hadley and his subsequent marriage to Pauline Pfeiffer on May 10, 1927. Ernest and Pauline would spend the majority of their years together at 907 Whitehead Street in Key West, Florida. On December 6, 1928, Hemingway was dealt a devastating emotional blow as his father, suffering from severe diabetes and concerned about his financial future, shot himself. Hemingway continued to write producing what many critics still feel is the best novel ever written about World War I. A Farewell to Arms was published in 1929 and solidified Hemingways reputation as one the greatest writers of his generation. The 1930s would see the publication of Hemingways bible on bullfighting, Death in the Afternoon (1932), a recount of his African safari in Green Hills of Africa (1935) and two famous short stories, The Snows of Kilimanjaro (1936) and The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber (1936). In the late 1930s, Hemingway ventured to Spain to give his encouragement to the Loyalists fighting in the Spanish Civil War. His experiences as a war correspondent for the North American Newspaper Alliance would inspire his other great war novel, For Whom the Bell Tolls. Exactly one month after the 1940 publication of For Whom the Bell Tolls, Hemingway married fellow writer and war correspondent Martha Ellis Gellhorn. It was a marriage that would last only five years. He married fourth and final wife Mary Welsh Monks on March 14, 1946. For the next fourteen years, the couple would live in Hemingways Finca Vigia (Lookout Farm) in San Francisco de Paula, Cuba. After a disappointing reception of his 1950 novel, Across the River and into the Trees, Hemingway rallied producing The Old Man and the Sea (1952), a short work that earned him a 1953 Pulitzer Prize and ultimately the 1954 Nobel Prize for Literature. Physically unnerved from two plane crashes earlier that year, Hemingway was unable to attend the prize ceremonies. He would live another seven years. On July 2, 1961, in his home in Ketchum, Idaho, Hemingway died of a self-inflicted shotgun wound to the head. His wife Mary found him and relayed word of her husbands death to the world. Ernest Hemingway was two and a half weeks shy of his sixty-second birthday. Three sons and millions of loyal readers preserve his memory.

Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis an Example of the Topic Personal Essays by

Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis Few outside artistic or academic circles know much about Lithuanian artist Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis; however, those who once encountered with the paintings of this artist are well-aware of his genuinely unique and evocative style. Apart from being an established painter, Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis is known for his musical works, specifically symphonic poems. Throughout his short and tragic life, Ciurlionis enjoyed little recognition from his contemporaries. Out of his 200 paintings not a single one was sold during his lifetime. Only the most brilliant minds of those times appreciated his remarkable talent -- the French writer Remain Rolland once referred to Ciurlioniss art as a completely new continent, where the artist himself was Christopher Columbus (Sepetis 1985). Need essay sample on "Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis" topic? We will write a custom essay sample specifically for you Proceed Undergraduates Usually Tell EssayLab specialists: Who wants to write assignment for me? Essay writer professionals recommend: Papers For Sale Get Paid To Write Papers Best Writing Services Best Essay Writing Company Its a sad fact of life that interest in Ciurlioniss art that began to rise in the pre-World War I times faded away during the Soviet era. Soviet art critics perceived his artworks as too abstractionist and borrowing a stamp of Western influence: Those petrified hearts could not be touched by the magnificence of form, nor the harmony of graceful, carefully chosen tones, nor the brilliant thought which pervaded every work of this true artist (Plioplys, 1984, p.12). Ciurlioniss failing health which led to his death at the young age of 35 didnt prevent him from producing a powerful impact on Lithuanian, Russian, and European art. One of the best known paintings by Ciurlionis is called Tranquility. Since the perception of art and beauty is highly subjective, its hard to think of universal criteria to measure artistic qualities of a certain piece. However, there is a broad consensus among the critics that there are certain criteria they apply when judging an art work. First and foremost, the piece should be aesthetically pleasing, i.e. correspond to the all-common notion of beauty. It should be harmonious and evoking positive, elevated feelings. While there is a trend among contemporary artists to make their pieces arouse indignation and disgust with a view to delivering a certain message, I strongly deem that art and aesthetics are inherently linked. The second criterion is the quality of workmanship, i.e. the mastery of artists skills. Another criterion which is very important is the uniqueness of artists manner. Great artists stand out for the peculiarity of their individual style. Some of them prefer to pioneer new forms and techniques, yet this is not a prerequisite for creating a style of your own. Many talented artists dont break away from the tradition but simply find their own niche within the existing patterns of expression. Finally, the forth criterion is the message the piece is trying to send. Here its necessary to take into account the importance and relevance of the message as well as how successful the piece is in delivering it.Tranquility is an infrequent example of an artwork that meets all the aforementioned for criteria. As for the aesthetic characteristics, all the works of Ciurlionis embrace harmony and beauty. The colors are subtle and delicate, and the composition of the painting demonstrates a skilled representation of space. Nothing in this painting is flashy or repulsive; it aroused sincere feelings of delight and rapture. As for the craftsmanship of the artist, the technique he used is interesting in many ways. Tempera painting werent very popular in Ciurlionis times, yet he was devoted to this particular style. Indeed, Ciurlionis developed an artistic style of his own which unmistakably distinguishes his pictures from those of any other artist.As for his manner, its a combination of realist and symbolist style of expression. In that sense, the painter was ahead his time: impressionist and symbolism as artistic styles were in the earlier stage of their development in 1905, when the painting was created. Its quite evident that the painter draws his inspiration from the mysterious beauty of nature and life. However, the aim of his paintings is not to suggest a detailed portrayal of natural scenery but to convey a certain mood and atmosphere. The artist has a unique vision, and he succeeds in sharing this vision with the viewer. When youre viewing works of Ciurlionis, you get a profound feeling that you are physically present at the scene pictured in the piece. The painter calls upon the viewer to experience the fullness and majesty of life: It is not only the magnificence of the symbols that are attractive and stirring but also the love of life and the ecstacy of living that emanate from the works (Sepetis, 1985, p.52). As for the message the painting delivers, its also quite clear and powerful. Generally, works of Ciurlionis are noted for their rich and unusual symbolism. At the first glance, Tranquility doesnt bear much imagery and hidden symbols. However, has an archetypal appeal -- I believe every person will find some special memories and reminiscences connected and associated with the scene represented on the picture. Evening by the sea is traditionally associated with calmness, serenity, and meditative mood. As the sunset highlights vague contours of the mighty cliff, the skies in the west are still bright, yet night is already encroaching in the east. The smooth passage from daylight to gloaming is depicted with great mastery and imagination. Two shimmering lights at the foot of a cliff may be regarded as a symbol of hope, placidity and complacency. Indeed, [t]he works of Ciurlionis pose the complex question of whether and to what extent the power of the creative imagination helps the artist perceive and transform reality into artistic images (Sepetis, 1985, p.51).Therefore, after giving a tough-but-fair evaluation of this particular work of art, it is obvious that it meets all four criteria suggested for the evaluation. Tranquility by Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis is aesthetically pleasing and evokes positive feelings in the viewer. Secondly, the painting is done with great mastery, and the painter demonstrates a style of his own. Finally, the painting sends its message through symbolic and archetypal appeal, and the message is effectively conveyed to the viewer. References Plioplys, A.V. 1984, The Influence of M. K. Ciurlionis Upon His Contemporaries, Lithuanian Quarterly Journal of Arts and Sciences, vol.30, no.2, pp.11-24. Sepetis, L. 1985, Mikalojus Ciurlionis' Space and Time, Soviet Life, vol.351, no.12, pp.50-53.